The "Palestinian People" and Their Right to Self-Determination: A Legal and Historical Analysis.
The Uniqueness of the "Palestinian People" in International Law
The "Palestinian people" and their rights occupy an entirely unique place in contemporary international politics and law.
Thus, the UN has a special Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People (CEIRPP)
It should be noted that there is no other committee in the UN specifically dedicated to the rights of any particular people.
But, in addition to this, there is also a separate The United Nations Division for Palestinian Rights (UNDPR)
Furthermore, although within the UN structure there exists The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there also exists, entirely separate from it, The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) with its own separate budget and separate rules (although in this case, as we shall see later, this agency did not originally deal with only one "people")
By UN General Assembly Resolution No. 32/40 of 2 December 1977, the International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People was established, but there are no other International Days of Solidarity established by the UN in support of a specific people.
That is, we see that the "Palestinian people" clearly differs greatly from all other peoples living on Earth, and fundamentally more attention is paid to the protection of their rights (the inalienability of which is even specially emphasized in the name of the special committee) than to the protection of the rights of any other people on our planet.
What, then, is the uniqueness of this people? To understand this, one must examine the history of its emergence and development.
The History of the "Palestinian People"
The history of the "Palestinian people" is truly remarkable, and fundamentally differs from the history of any other people.
The Mythological History
First, there is the mythological history of the Palestinian people. This version of history looks roughly as follows: Palestine is the homeland of the Palestinian people (the name of the country is presumed to be connected with the name of the people). The Palestinian people lived in Palestine from time immemorial. And then the Palestinian people "hospitably" received the Jews fleeing from the Nazis. And the Jews then occupied the territory of the "Palestinians'" state and deprived the "Palestinians" of their homeland.
This story is actively supported by propaganda. In particular, a photograph of a ship with Jewish refugees arriving in Palestine in 1947 (the photograph is real) is displayed as historical evidence for the version that the Palestinian people hospitably received Jewish refugees fleeing from the fascists.
On social networks, there are numerous posts with old photographs with captions such as "Beautiful Palestine, 1929," photographs of coins and banknotes from the 1920s–30s with the inscription "Palestine," and similar evidence that before the arrival of the Jews "fleeing from the Nazis," the Palestinian people had their own state.
Also widely circulated is a map demonstrating how the ungrateful Jews gradually took the territory of the state of the Palestinian people that had hospitably received them:
What is interesting about this story is that it is a lie from beginning to end, but millions of people around the world believe this story, especially Muslims, considering it a well-known and self-evident fact. Thousands of people around the world work to promote this version, and enormous financial resources are invested in its promotion.
The Actual History
From Antiquity to 1964 (Before the Creation of the PLO)
What actually happened?
Palestine, formerly called Judea, is the territory of the former Roman province of Judea. The territory of the modern states of Israel and Jordan.
From 1516 to 1917, this territory was part of the Ottoman Empire. It was not a separate administrative unit, but was divided among several provinces (eyalets or vilayets). No one in the Ottoman Empire had ever heard that a "Palestinian people" lived in this territory. Arabs, Jews, Druze, Armenians, and others lived in this territory. But there was no such people as "Palestinians."
In 1914, the Ottoman Empire declared war on the countries of the Triple Entente, and lost the war. The territory of historical Palestine was occupied by British forces. In 1917, the British Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour sent a letter to Lord Walter Rothschild in which it was stated that the British Government "view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object," which became known as the Balfour Declaration
The term "Palestine" at that time was a concept denoting the territory of biblical events, i.e., the territory of the former Kingdom of Judah, the Roman province of Judea renamed in 135 CE to "Syria Palaestina."
Before this territory was captured by British forces in 1917, Muslim Arabs had no concept of "Palestine" as an ethnographic or cultural notion whatsoever.
The term itself was used only in a historical-geographical context; the Muslim Arab population did not associate itself with Palestine. And the single exception confirms the rule: the Arab newspaper "Palestine" (Falastin) published in Jaffa from 1911 was specifically a Christian newspaper, originally focusing on Christian intra-church affairs.
In 1919, a conference was held in Jerusalem (which was then already under the authority of the British army), calling itself the Palestine Arab Congress, which adopted an appeal to the Paris Peace Conference. It stated, in particular:
"Southern Syria, also known as 'Palestine,' has witnessed Zionist attempts to turn this land into a national home for the Jews..." "We have also submitted a report in which we set forth the wishes of the Arab people, whom we represent and whose population numbers one million, regarding the fate of our country, namely that it not be separated from its sister, the independent Arab Northern Syria, united in Arab unity and free from any foreign influence or protection"
This indicates that the local Arab population initially even objected to the application of the term "Palestine" to this territory, which was being imposed by the British (Christians), viewed it as part of Syria, and in no way separated themselves from the Arabs living in Syria (which was then under French control). And the Arabs of Palestine had never heard of any "Palestinian people" or "Palestinian nationalism."
On 19–26 April 1920, a conference was held in the city of San Remo (Italy) — a session of the Supreme Council of the Entente Powers, at which the administration of the former territories of the Ottoman Empire was discussed, with the aim of creating national states thereon, including a Jewish state in Palestine (establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people). At this time, the conference participants knew nothing about the existence of some special "Palestinian people" in Palestine whose homeland was Palestine.
In 1922, the League of Nations issued Great Britain a Mandate for the administration of Palestine with the aim of creating a Jewish state therein. In the same year, amendments were made to the Mandate. In accordance with these amendments, an Arab state was to be created in that part of Palestine located east of the Jordan River.
The term "Palestine" itself during the Mandate years was regarded as synonymous with the term "Land of Israel," which was reflected, in particular, on coins and banknotes issued by the Mandate authorities, on which the name "Palestine" was written in English, Arabic, and Hebrew, and in Hebrew it was designated: "Palestine (Land of Israel)"
During the Mandate period, the term "Palestinian" in the name of public or commercial organizations, for example, The Palestine Symphony Orchestra, Palestine Football Association, The Palestine Aero Club, Palestine Electric Corporation, was an indication that it was a Jewish organization.
An Arab state in the territory of Mandatory Palestine was created in 1946 — the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan (now the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan).
No one had heard of any "Palestinian people" either at the time of the approval of the Mandate and the amendments thereto in 1922, or at the time of the creation of the Hashemite Kingdom of Transjordan in Palestine.
In 1930, the British authorities published a detailed report on the state of affairs and the composition of the population in Palestine (The Report on Immigration, Land Settlement and Development (the Hope Simpson Enquiry)). This document provides a detailed picture of the population of Mandatory Palestine and, naturally, contains no mention of any local "Palestinian people."
In May 1947, the UN General Assembly formed the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP) to develop recommendations regarding the future government of the remaining part of Palestine (west of the Jordan). On 3 September 1947, the Committee submitted its report. On the basis thereof, on 29 November 1947, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution No. 181 with a recommendation to partition the remaining part of Palestine into a Jewish and an Arab state. Neither during the work of the Committee, nor during the discussion of the resolution, did anyone hear of a "Palestinian people," and it was not mentioned in any document of the Committee, nor in the text of the resolution.
On 15 May 1948, the League of Arab States, by its statement, officially rejected UN General Assembly Resolution No. 181 and introduced the troops of Arab states into the territory of Israel, initiating war against Israel. The statement indicated that:
"Palestine was part of the Ottoman Empire subject to its rule of law and enjoying full representation in its parliament, the great majority of its population was composed of Arabs with a small minority of Jews"
Two local armies participated in the war: the Arab Liberation Army and the Army of the Holy War, but none of the participants in these armies considered themselves part of a "Palestinian people." Israel was at war with the Arabs, and no one — neither the Jews nor the Arabs themselves — knew anything about any "Palestinian people" at that time.
That is, before the emergence of the State of Israel, no one, including the local Arabs, had heard of a "Palestinian people." Arabs lived on the territory of historical Palestine (on the present-day territory of Israel and Jordan), but the term "Palestinian people" was unknown to them, and they never considered themselves to belong to such a people. The term "Palestine" itself was associated with the biblical, not the Muslim or Arab, tradition. The Arabs themselves (except for Christians) viewed this territory exclusively as "Southern Syria."
During the Mandate period, the word "Palestinian" denoted geographical, not ethnic, affiliation, and was used predominantly by Jews and the British. And there was no "Palestinian identity" among the Arabic-speaking population. That is, there were no collections of fairy tales or folklore of the "Palestinian people," no ethnic "Palestinian" musical or dance ensembles, or anything of the sort.
When in 1949 the UN General Assembly created the "United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees" (UNRWA), the term "Palestinian" still had a purely geographical meaning: Palestinian refugees were understood not as representatives of the "Palestinian people," but as Arabs and Jews who became refugees as a result of the 1948–49 war (Jews were then completely expelled from the territories captured by the Arabs). But in 1952, care for Jewish refugees was transferred from UNRWA to the Government of Israel. And UNRWA, over time, transformed into an organization promoting and financing the idea of the "Palestinian people."
From 1964: The KGB of the USSR as a Factor of Ethnogenesis
So when and from where did the "Palestinian people" appear?
The concept of the "Palestinian people" developed as a result of the activities of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)
The PLO was an organization that was financed and armed by the KGB of the USSR. Its militants were trained in the USSR at the 165th Training Center for Foreign Military Personnel in the village of Perevalnoye near Simferopol. And most of its leading figures were trained in the USSR (see, in particular, Ronen Bergman. The KGB's Middle East Files: Palestinians in the service of Mother Russia). Thus, documents (in particular, documents from the Bukovsky Archive and the Mitrokhin Archive) confirm that Wadie Haddad was a KGB agent, the organizer of a number of terrorist attacks, including the famous hijacking of an aircraft to Entebbe airport (see Operation Entebbe), whom the USSR supplied with weapons, special equipment, and ammunition. The well-known PLO terrorist Carlos the Jackal, the organizer of one of the most notorious terrorist attacks of the 1970s — the OPEC siege — was trained in the USSR.
And its current leader, Mahmoud Abbas, is a KGB/FSB agent with the codename "Krotov" [Translator's note: "Krotov" means "of moles" in Russian], who in 1982 completed his postgraduate studies at the Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University in Moscow.
Especially valuable in this regard is the information published by the former Deputy Chief of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Romania (Securitate), Ion Mihai Pacepa:
"I was given the KGB's "personal file" on Arafat. He was an Egyptian bourgeois turned into a devoted Marxist by KGB foreign intelligence. The KGB had trained him at its Balashikha special-ops school east of Moscow and in the mid-1960s decided to groom him as the future PLO leader. First, the KGB destroyed the official records of Arafat's birth in Cairo, replacing them with fictitious documents saying that he had been born in Jerusalem and was therefore a Palestinian by birth" ... "Next, the KGB gave Arafat an ideology and an image, just as it did for loyal Communists in our international front organizations."
(Ion Mihai Pacepa, "The KGB's Man" // "Wall Street Journal", 2003-02-22)
In an interview with FrontPage Magazine in 2004, Ion Pacepa recounted:
"The PLO was dreamt up by the KGB... In 1964, the first PLO Council, consisting of 422 Palestinian representatives handpicked by the KGB, approved the Palestinian National Charter—a document that had been drafted in Moscow"
(quoted from John Richardson, "The Soviet-Palestinian Lie" // Gatestone Institute, 2016-10-16)
Thus, the concept of the "Palestinian people" appeared together with the PLO, which declared itself the representative of this people.
This is important to emphasize: it was not first that an ethnic community or people was formed, and then an organization expressing its interests, but first — an organization pursuing a clear political goal (in this case, the destruction of Israel, or at least the seizure of its territories), and only then was the concept of a "people" created, whose interests its political goals allegedly express.
The concept of the "Palestinian people" was first formulated in the document that proclaimed the beginning of the PLO's activities, the so-called Palestinian National Charter. In its first version of 28 May 1964, a definition of the "Palestinian people" was recorded, on whose behalf the PLO proclaimed this Charter, designating itself as the representative of this "people":
Article 6: The Palestinians are those Arab citizens who were living normally in Palestine up to 1947, whether they remained or were expelled. Every child who was born to a Palestinian Arab father after this date, whether in Palestine or outside, is a Palestinian.
Article 7: Jews of Palestinian origin are considered Palestinians if they are willing to live peacefully and loyally in Palestine.
From this definition, it is evident that initially the PLO did not yet view the "Palestinian people" as a separate ethnos, but viewed it as an aggregate of ethnic Arabs and ethnic Jews.
That is, the idea of a "Palestinian people" at that moment was still vague. But the fundamental idea of the Charter was the linking of the Arab population to this land. That is, based on the text of the Charter, Arabs from Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon who settled permanently in Palestine, say, in 1946, were regarded as the "Palestinian people," remaining such even after changing their permanent place of residence to Egypt, Syria, or Lebanon.
That is, the territory of Israel was endowed by the Charter with a mystical property: an Arab who settled there became a "Palestinian" and continued to be so, forever transmitting this status to his descendants. No other territory in the world possessed such a mystical property. And, say, an Arab who had lived for some time in Palestine and then moved to a permanent place of residence in Egypt, Syria, or Lebanon no longer became an "Egyptian," "Syrian," or "Lebanese." The territories of Egypt, Syria, or Lebanon did not possess such a mystical property of changing national affiliation.
From the context, one can conclude that the term "Palestine" here refers only to that part of Palestine that was intended for the creation of a Jewish state. And Article 24 of the Charter specifically stated:
This Organization does not exercise any territorial sovereignty over the West Bank in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, on the Gaza Strip or in the Himmah Area
At that time, the territory on the West Bank of the Jordan River was occupied by Jordan, the Gaza Strip was occupied by Egypt, and the Himmah area was occupied by Syria. These territories, which were originally parts of Mandatory Palestine intended for the creation of a Jewish state, were not under Israeli control in 1964.
And, characteristically, the residents of the West Bank massively and voluntarily accepted Jordanian citizenship. This confirms that their identity was either pan-Arab or regional-clan, but in no way "Palestinian" in the sense of a separate nation seeking sovereignty. And, incidentally, the Jordanian Parliament resolution Regarding the Annexation of the West Bank, 24 April 1950 spoke of the need to protect "Arab rights in Palestine" and of the national unity of both banks of the Jordan — East and West — but made no mention of any "Palestinian people."
If a national movement ignores the opportunity to create a state when it is physically possible (1948–1967), and demands it only where it interferes with the existence of another state — this is not a national movement, but a military-propaganda operation
Thus, Article 24 of the Charter shows that the real task of the PLO was precisely the destruction of Israel, and this organization, which allegedly represented the "Palestinian people," had no interest whatsoever in the Palestinian Arabs living in that part of the territory of Palestine that was not under Israeli control. This article is the key piece of evidence proving that "self-determination" was merely a propaganda cover for the true goal — the destruction of Israel.
After the Six-Day War, this reservation was removed from Article 24 of the Charter.
In 1968, a new version of the Charter was adopted in Cairo, in which, among other things, the article defining which Jews belong to the "Palestinian people" was changed:
Article 6: The Jews who had normally resided in Palestine until the beginning of the Zionist invasion will be considered Palestinians.
Thus, we see that even in 1964–68, in PLO documents, the "Palestinian people" was still described not as a separate people or ethnos, but as Arabs and Jews residing in the territory where the PLO sought to terminate the existence of the Israeli state.
Although, of course, over time, in their propaganda, Jews ceased to be mentioned as "Palestinians," and the talk was only of the "Arab Palestinian people," as a special people whose homeland exactly corresponds to the borders of Israel.
However, the idea of a separate "Palestinian people" proved to be a successful propaganda device, which began to be actively promoted after the defeats in the wars of 1967 (the Six-Day War) and 1973 (the Yom Kippur War), when it became evident that the hopes for the rapid destruction of the State of Israel by exclusively military means had not materialized, and they needed to launch a serious propaganda and diplomatic war against Israel.
From 1973 to the Present Day
The defeat of Arab armies in the Six-Day War (1967) and the Yom Kippur War (1973), that is, the realization that Israel could not be quickly defeated by military force alone, is precisely what led to the creation of the concept of the "Palestinian people" in its modern form.
Already in 1974 (after the defeat of Arab armies in the Yom Kippur War), UN General Assembly Resolution 3236 (1974) for the first time at the UN level declared the "Palestinian people" a subject of the right to self-determination.
Initially, PLO leaders themselves stated that the "Palestinian people" was merely a ploy to lay claim to the land of Israel. Thus, the head of the military department and member of the PLO Executive Council, Zuheir Mohsen, in a 1977 interview with the Dutch newspaper "Trouw" said the following:
"The Palestinian people does not exist … there is no difference between Jordanians, Palestinians, Syrians, and Lebanese. Between Jordanians, Palestinians, Syrians, and Lebanese, there are no differences. We are all part of one people, the Arab nation [...] Just for political reasons we carefully underwrite our Palestinian identity. Because it is of national interest for the Arabs to advocate the existence of Palestinians to balance Zionism. Yes, the existence of a separate Palestinian identity exists only for tactical reasons[...] Once we have acquired all our rights in all of Palestine, we must not delay for a moment the reunification of Jordan and Palestine"
But over time, the propaganda machine of the PLO and its allies firmly implanted in the information space the myth that the "Palestinian people" actually exists and even existed since antiquity.
Entire pseudo-historical monographs appeared proving that the "Palestinians" are an ancient and distinctive people with an identity that existed long before Arafat. See Rashid Khalidi Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (1997), Muhammad Y. Muslih The Origins of Palestinian Nationalism (1988), and others.
And now, opening, say, the English Wikipedia article Palestinians, one can read that "Palestinians" are an ancient people who have lived in the territory of the Levant since the Bronze Age (!), "is independent of the existence of any actual Arabian origins," that "Most Palestinians share a strong genetic link to the ancient Canaanites," and that in these lands "Israelites later emerged," i.e., later than the "Palestinians."
Characteristically, in the Hebrew and Russian Wikipedia articles there is a section "Denial of the existence of the Palestinian people" in which information refuting the existence of the Palestinian people is provided (a reference to the Zuheir Mohsen interview, etc.), but in the English and Arabic Wikipedia articles on the Palestinian people there is no mention whatsoever of the existence of a position denying the existence of the Palestinian people.
The idea of the "Palestinian people" made it possible to produce what is called reframing. Previously, the situation could be described as: "the huge, powerful Arab world is trying to destroy a small Jewish state." But with the use of the new concept of the "Palestinian people," it became possible to present this as: "evil white colonizers have taken the native land from a small people, depriving them of their homeland."
It is ridiculous to say that the creation of a Jewish state deprived the Arabs of their homeland, or deprived the Arabs of their territory. Arab countries collectively occupy about 13 million square kilometers, while Israel occupies 22 thousand square kilometers, i.e., approximately 0.17% (seventeen hundredths of a percent) of the territory of Arab countries. But when it comes to a small, oppressed indigenous Palestinian people who have lived since time immemorial on territory seized by evil Zionist colonizers, this picture already resonated with the general public, especially with leftists in Western countries concerned with the struggle of indigenous peoples against "colonialists."
Arguments for the Existence of the Palestinian People
Recognition
The only "weighty" argument of defenders of the "real" existence of the Palestinian people in the legal sense, which can be used in a serious discussion, is the abundance of its international recognitions, primarily:
- by resolutions of the UN General Assembly (for example, 3236, 67/19),
- by the 2004 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the "security wall," where the "Palestinian people" and their right to self-determination are directly mentioned,
- by the recognition of the PLO as the "sole legitimate representative" of the Palestinian people (first — in a decision of the Arab League and then in the UN).
This strategy is a typical example of propaganda techniques: mass repeated repetition, fixing the wording in international documents, media, educational materials, and legal opinions, in order to turn a disputable assertion into an "obvious fact."
But, in reality, repeated repetition does not lend weight to an argument. A lie repeated even in a thousand UN General Assembly resolutions and recorded in a dozen advisory opinions of the International Court still remains a lie. The frequency of its repetition does not make it true, but makes it a more cynical and dangerous lie.
That is, the question of how well-founded the assertions contained in UN General Assembly resolutions, advisory opinions of the International Court of Justice, or decisions of the International Criminal Court are is entirely legitimate. And this study examines the question precisely from this point of view. And it would be absurd to object that the position of UN General Assembly resolutions or opinions of the International Court of Justice is correct merely because it is the position, respectively, of UN General Assembly resolutions or of the International Court of Justice.
The Prevalence of Self-Identification over Common Sense
One of the arguments put forward in favor of the necessity of recognizing the "Palestinian people" sounds roughly like this: "since millions of people identify themselves as Palestinians, this automatically makes the identity 'real'"
However, the acceptance of such an approach would lead to the situation where any group could declare itself a "people" and demand the partition of any state. Moreover, a nation-state bordering a state in which people of that nationality constitute a national minority could declare them a separate people and on this basis attempt to seize the territory of such a neighboring state.
As has already happened with the similarly maliciously invented "people of the Donetsk Republic" and "people of the Luhansk Republic" — concepts used by the Russian Federation for the dismemberment of Ukrainian territory, just as Arab anti-Israeli political movements use the concept of the "Palestinian people" for attempts to seize Israeli territory.
Rapid Ethnogenesis
In discussions on this topic, one may sometimes encounter the argument that "the processes of ethnogenesis are complex and can occur rapidly," and that the "Palestinian people" could have formed in a brief period since the creation of the PLO.
But, even if we assume that a people can be formed within 60 years, this still inevitably presupposes the emergence of characteristics distinguishing it from other peoples.
If we remove the component of "denial of Israel" from "Palestinian identity," what remains? Culture, language, religion, customs, genetics — all shared with Jordan, Syria, and other Arab countries of the region. History — part of the Ottoman and Arab heritage.
The uniqueness of this population group today rests exclusively on the status of "fourth-generation refugee" and "victim of Zionism."
The Correct Term
Thus, the participants in the political movement founded by the PLO, calling themselves the "Palestinian people," are not a separate ethnic group or people. And although participation in this movement presupposes belonging to the Arab people (ethnos), they are not even a sub-ethnos within the Arabs (like, say, the Hutsuls among the Ukrainians or the Ashkenazim among the Jews), but a local Arab political movement, just as "Hitlerites" are a political movement among the Germans, or "Francoists" among the Spanish.
But in the absence of another designation, even Israeli journalists continue to use the word "Palestinians" to refer to the militants fighting against us, and the word "Palestine" to refer to the force fighting for our destruction. Thereby, in fact, working for enemy propaganda, and affirming, albeit implicitly, the legitimacy of our enemies' claims to our territory.
It seems to me simple and sufficiently expressive to use the terms "false Palestinians" and "false Palestine."
Such a term is sufficiently understandable and academic, since the construction "False X" has an established usage in English historiography for making explicit the designation of people who called themselves what they were not in reality: False Margaret, False Baldwin, False Dmitry I, and False Dmitry II, and so on.
Therefore, the use of the terms "false Palestinians" and "false Palestine" is quite correct for designating people who pass themselves off as what they are not in reality.
Accordingly, instead of the expressions currently accepted in the public sphere, one should use: "the Autonomy of the false Palestinians," "the representative of false Palestine at the UN," "recognition of the rights of the false Palestinians," and so on.
Such use of the term will bring clarity and honesty to the discussion of this important topic.
Principles of International Law
One sometimes hears the objection: "well, let the Palestinian people have been invented as a deception and for the purpose of fighting Israel, but now several million people already identify themselves as Palestinians, and such self-identification endows them with the rights of a people" or "regardless of the motives for its creation, the Palestinian people exists and has rights"
But from a legal point of view, this is an incorrect approach. In law, motive matters. In law, malicious intent matters. It matters whether the goal pursued by certain actions is lawful or not.
There are principles applied in international law:
Fraus omnia corrumpit — a legal right, agreement, or decision cannot be recognized as valid if it is based on deception or fraud. Even if a document appears formally valid, if it is based on deception — it loses its force. And — yes, this also applies to decisions of UN bodies.
Ex injuria jus non oritur — unlawful actions (including deception and fraud, including terrorism) do not create rights for the wrongdoer.
The facts indicate that the very idea of the "Palestinian people" arose not from historically established characteristics, but solely and exclusively for the purpose of justifying knowingly unlawful (which is why they use specially invented myths to replace the real history of the 20th century) claims to the territory of Israel.
The exclusive aspiration to deprive a genuinely existing people (in this case, the Jewish people) of their right to self-determination cannot be recognized as a valid basis for the formation of a subject of the right to self-determination
Conclusions
The so-called "Palestinian people" is not an ethnic group, but is a political movement of ethnic Arabs aimed at the destruction of Israel, falsely passing themselves off as a separate ethnic group for the purpose of using the right to self-determination to justify claims to Israeli territory.
The "Palestinian" narrative is not a gift, but a curse for the Arab population of Gaza and the West Bank. It deprives them of the opportunity for adaptation, integration, and development, locking them in a cycle of revanchist violence. Those who support this myth (including the UN and Western leftists) are in fact complicit in sacrificing millions of people to a geopolitical Moloch, leaving them no other fate than to be cannon fodder sacrificed on the altar of war with Israel.
It is necessary to raise the issue at the UN of the liquidation of UN structures specifically dealing with the "inalienable rights" of one "people," separately from all other peoples, especially since this "most important people for the UN" does not actually exist. In particular, it is necessary to liquidate the "Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People," the "United Nations Division for Palestinian Rights," and the "United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees" (UNRWA).
The use of the terms "Palestinian people," "Palestinians," and "Palestine" to designate this political movement constitutes actual support for malicious deception, therefore instead of it one should use the terms "false Palestinians" and "false Palestine."
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Earlier version of this text (in Russian): What is the "Palestinian people" and does it have a right to self-determination